A political committee that registered just weeks before Erie’s November election poured $6,000 into three Town Council races, yet its public disclosures leave voters blind to who actually funded the effort.
State records show Coloradans for the American Dream spent $2,250 each to promote Andrew Sawusch and Delaney Dreckman, alongside $1,500 backing Brian O’Connor. The outlays anchored a larger $38,615 spending package filed October 23 through the Secretary of State’s TRACER database, targeting municipal races across Castle Rock, Parker, and Erie.
Under Colorado law, the group operates as an Independent Expenditure Committee (IEC). The structure grants committees the legal authority to raise and spend unlimited sums advocating for candidates, provided they do not coordinate directly with official campaigns. While IECs must disclose what they spend, state loopholes frequently permit them to mask their true donors by funneling cash through nonprofits or intermediary pass-through entities. Erie voters can see the digital ads hitting their screens, but the original bankrollers remain entirely in the dark.
The committee’s registered agent, veteran political compliance consultant Katie Kennedy, handles filings for prominent statewide conservative and business-aligned causes. Among them is Affordable Colorado, an issue committee that opposes statewide tax measures, supports natural gas initiatives, and received over $16,000 in donated services from the conservative Independence Institute. While Coloradans for the American Dream claims a nonpartisan mission to back pro-housing candidates, Kennedy’s involvement ties the fledgling group to seasoned players in Colorado’s broader political landscape.
Meanwhile, inside the candidates’ own ledgers, basic accounting rules appear to break down.
A review of municipal disclosure reports filed with the Town of Erie reveals systemic clerical errors, phantom balances, and unexplained expenditures across multiple campaigns. The discrepancies mean it is unclear whether candidates underreported income, misstated cash on hand, or accepted off-the-books contributions.
In District 1, Andrew Sawusch reported $3,350 in contributions and roughly $2,182 in personal loans through October 19 to fund mailers, lawn signs, and events. His donor roster leans heavily into regional real estate development and corporate executive circles, including Alex Woodin of Southern Land Company, Leah Kahn of HayneCo, William Francis of SOMO Capital (which was returned), and Chris Elliot of E5X Management, along with individual contributions from local business figures. His challenger, Bob Braudes, entirely self-funds his bid.
The most glaring internal contradictions surface in District 2. Delaney Dreckman’s September 4 filing documented an ending cash reserve of $2,326.58. When her next report arrived on October 5, her opening balance plummeted to $1,543.73. That’s an overnight disappearance of $782.85 with no reported expenditure to account for it.
Dreckman’s October 5 itemized expenses also failed the test of elementary arithmetic:
the summary page declared $73.01 in outlays, but the attached itemized roster tallied only $36.84. Furthermore, while Dreckman reported spending $1,800.50 on postal deliveries, her reports list no disbursements for printing the flyers, purchasing the campaign yard signs dotting development-owned properties and local lawns, paid social media advertising, or campaign texting services. In campaign finance reporting, unexplained production and promotional expenses raise questions about whether costs went unreported, vendors remain unpaid, or third parties provided potentially unreported in-kind contributions.
Her opponents offer little clarity. Dipak Basnet reported $121.79 in spending on his initial disclosure despite recording zero incoming contributions or loans, followed by an $842.78 buy for voter data and flyers that similarly lacked any stated funding mechanism. Ben Hemphill ran a cleaner slate, balancing $3,055 in contributions with a $2,000 self-loan.
District 3 mirrors these bookkeeping failures. Brian O’Connor’s September 4 bottom line of $259 transformed into an opening balance of $250 on his subsequent report. Worse, his October 5 filing claimed $2,527.92 in received loan capital, while the legally binding loan schedule appended to the back showed only $1,762.91. O’Connor subsequently amended that same report to bolt on $1,198.34 in mail expenses that vanished from his initial public submission. His opponent, Amy Becker, delayed reporting August purchases of yard signs, flyers, and postage until October.
Shared donor networks also tie several campaigns together. Contributors such as Mayor Pro-Tem Brandon Bell, Eric Booth, Kristen Alipit, and Ryan Lent cut checks to both Dreckman and O’Connor.
While shared donors and personal campaign loans remain routine in local politics, chronic misreporting erodes the statutory transparency that voters rely on to prevent self-dealing and undisclosed patronage.
Now that shadowy independent committees are dumping untraceable thousands into local races, Erie voters must cast their ballots without the transparency they deserve.
Want to understand how dark money works and why it’s so difficult to trace? Read our breakdown: .
From our 2022 archives: Dark Money in Erie: What Special Interests Seek to Gain by Influencing Erie’s Election
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